The Kashmir Files

The Kashmir Files
The Kashmir Files
Theatrical release poster
Directed byVivek Agnihotri
Written by
  • Vivek Agnihotri
  • Saurabh M. Pandey
Produced by
CinematographyUdaysingh Mohite
Edited byShankh Rajadhyaksha
Music by
Distributed byZee Studios
Release date
  • 11 March 2022 (2022-03-11)
Running time
170 minutes[2]
Budgetest. ₹15 crore[3]
Box officeest. ₹334.29 crore[4]

The Kashmir Files is a 2022 Indian Hindi-language drama film[2] written, directed and co-produced by Vivek Agnihotri.[5] The film presents a fictional storyline[1][6] centred around the exodus of Kashmiri Hindus from the Muslim-majority Kashmir Valley in the disputed region of Kashmir.[7][8] The early-1990 exodus, which followed the rise of violence in an insurgency, is depicted in the film as a genocide,[14] a description that is inaccurate and associated with conspiracy theories.[15]

The Kashmir Files stars Mithun Chakraborty, Anupam Kher, Darshan Kumar, and Pallavi Joshi.[16] The plot follows a Kashmiri Hindu college student, who was displaced as a child from the Valley after his family was killed by the insurgents. Raised by a Kashmiri Hindu schoolteacher who had witnessed the deaths, but shielded him from their knowledge, the student has also been "brainwashed" by a college professor into believing that the exodus was benign. After his adoptive father's death, he is driven to uncover the "truth", as the plot switches between the student's quest in the present time, 2020, and the schoolteacher's travails of thirty years before.

The film was released in theatres on 11 March 2022.[17] It has had commercial success,[18][19] seemingly helped by promotion in several Indian states by India's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party.[20] The critical reception of The Kashmir Files has been mixed.[18] The cinematography and the performances of the cast have been described as compelling,[24] but the film has faced accusations of historical revisionism,[25] and of carrying propaganda aligned with the ruling party,[28] aiming to foster prejudice against Muslims.[29] Supporters have praised the film for showing what they say is an often-overlooked aspect of Kashmir's history.[6] Theatres across India have witnessed hate speech including calls for killing Muslims.[30][31] As of 7 April 2022, the movie grossed 334.29 crore (US$44 million) worldwide making it the highest grossing Hindi film of 2022.


The plot frequently switches between the contemporary period set in the year 2020 and flashbacks to 1989–1990 throughout the film.

Circa 1989–1990

In 1989–90 Kashmir, Islamic militants storm and banish Kashmiri Hindu Pandits from the Kashmir valley using the slogans Raliv Galiv ya Chaliv ("convert (to Islam), leave or die") and Al-Safa Batte Dafa ("with god's grace whole Kashmiri Pandit community will leave valley"). Pushkar Nath Pandit, a teacher, fears for the safety of his son Karan, who has been accused by the militants of being an Indian spy. Pushkar requests his friend Brahma Dutt, a civil servant, for Karan's protection. Brahma travels with Pushkar to Kashmir and witnesses the violence against Kashmiri Pandits. He takes up the issue with the chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), who suspends Brahma.

Militant commander Farooq Malik Bitta, also a former student of Pushkar, breaches Pushkar Nath's house. Karan hides in a rice container but is found and shot by Bitta. Pushkar and his daughter-in-law Sharda plead for their lives. Bitta compels Sharda to eat rice soaked in Karan's blood in exchange for their lives. After Bitta and his gang leave the house, Pushkar begs his doctor friend Mahesh Kumar to bring an ambulance and save Karan's life. However, the hospital gets taken over by militants, who forbid the hospital staff from treating non-Muslims. Subsequently, Karan succumbs to injuries from the gunshots.

To ensure their safety, Pushkar and his family are taken by their journalist friend Vishnu Ram to Kaul, a Hindu poet who maintains a cordial relationship with Muslims. Kaul takes in many Pandits into his home but a group of militants arrives to pick Kaul and his son up under the guise of offering protection. The rest of the Pandits leave the place but are later shocked to find corpses of Kaul and his son hanging from trees.

The refugee Pandits from the Kashmir valley settle in Jammu and live on meagre ration and in poor conditions. Brahma is appointed as an advisor to the new Governor of J&K. At his request, the Home Minister visits the Jammu camps where Pushkar demands the removal of Article 370 and the resettlement of Kashmiri Pandits. Brahma manages to get Sharda a government job in Nadimarg in Kashmir, and the family moves there.

One day a group of militants headed by Bitta dress up as members of the Indian Army and arrive at Nadimarg. They start rounding up the Pandits living there. Sharda resists when the militants get hold of her elder son Shiva. Angry Farooq strips her and saws her body in half. He lines up Shiva and the remaining Pandits and shoots them into a mass grave. Pushkar is spared to spread the word about what happened.


In the present day, Sharda's younger son Krishna is brought up by Pushkar. He believes that his parents had died in an accident. A student of ANU,[a] Krishna is under the influence of professor Radhika Menon who is a supporter of Kashmiri separatism. Pushkar's friends Brahma, Vishnu, Mahesh, and police officer Hari Narain, who had served in Kashmir when Karan was killed, recall the events of Kashmir from their memory that Brahma calls a "genocide".

Krishna contests the ANU's student election. Following the advice of professor Radhika Menon, he holds the Government of India responsible for the issue of Kashmir, much to the anger of Pushkar. Later, when Pushkar dies, Krishna travels to his ancestral home in Kashmir to scatter the ashes per Pushkar's last wish. Menon asks Krishna to record some footage in Kashmir to expose the government's supposed atrocities. With the help of one of Menon's contacts, Krishna meets Bitta and accuses him of being responsible for the situation of the Pandits. But Bitta declares himself to be a new-age Gandhi who is leading a non-violent democratic movement. Bitta claims that it was the Indian Army, who killed Krishna's mother and brother. When Krishna questions Brahma about this claim, Brahma hands him newspaper cuttings (collected by Pushkar), which had reported that militants disguised as Indian Army soldiers killed them.

Krishna returns to Delhi and gives his scheduled speech for the university presidential elections to a roaring crowd at the ANU campus. He elaborates on the history of Kashmir and the plight of his family and other Kashmiri Hindu victims that he perceived from his trip. This is shocking to his mentor Professor Menon and her other students. Krishna is then met with resistance and ridicule from students and an eventual embrace by a few.



On 14 August 2019, Agnihotri announced the film with its first look poster with an intent to release it on 15 August 2020, coinciding with India's Independence Day. The subject of the film was the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits that took place between the late 80s and early 90s.[34][35] Agnihotri touted the film to be the second instalment of his trilogy of "untold stories of independent India", which includes the films The Tashkent Files (2019) and an upcoming The Delhi Files.[36] As a part of the production, Agnihotri claimed to have interviewed more than 700 emigrants from the exodus and recorded their stories over a period of two years.[37] Actor Anupam Kher joined the cast as the lead actor of the film in December 2019.[38]

The first schedule of the film, supposed to take place in March 2020, was called off due the COVID-19 pandemic in India,[39] and was started later the same year in December in Mussoorie.[40] The entire film was shot in 30 days, largely in Mussoorie and Dehradun, along with a week-long shooting schedule in Kashmir, including at Dal Lake.[41] Yograj Singh was removed before the production started in December 2020 for his speeches at the 2020–2021 Indian farmers' protest, and Puneet Issar was brought in as the replacement.[40][42] A line producer, Sarahna died during the production by suicide.[43] The production was wrapped up by 16 January 2021.[44]



The Indian Censor board, Central Board of Film Certification gave The Kashmir Files A certificate, which is restricted to adults. According to CBFC, it is a feature film in the genre 'drama' and there is no mention of the film being commercial/documentary in the CBFC records.[45]

The British Board of Film Classification (BBFC) certified the film as 15, suitable only for viewers aged 15 years and over. BBFC noted that the film contained "strong bloody violence".[2]


A public interest litigation (PIL) was filed by an Uttar Pradesh resident which sought a stay on the film's release on grounds that the film may portray the Muslims as killers of the Kashmiri Pandits, presenting what it described as a one-sided view that would hurt the sentiments of Muslims and could trigger violence against Muslims. The PIL was dismissed by the Bombay High Court on grounds that the filer should have challenged the certificate issued to the film by the Central Board of Film Certification.[46]

Another lawsuit was filed by the widow of an Indian Armed Forces squadron leader who died during the Kashmir Insurgency. The widow's lawsuit said that the film portrayed a false depiction of events related to her husband and sought a stay on its release. Accordingly, the court restrained the makers from showing the relevant scenes.[47]

Theatrical release

The Kashmir Files was set to release theatrically worldwide on 26 January 2022, coinciding with India's Republic Day, but was postponed due to the spread of the Omicron variant of COVID-19.[48] It was initially released in over 630 screens in India on 11 March 2022[49] and was later increased to 4,000 screens.[50]

International release

The Kashmir Files received an R16 classification from the New Zealand Classification Office, with a scheduled release date of 24 March 2022. British and Australian censors have given the film an R18 and 18+ plus rating respectively.[51]

In New Zealand, members of the Muslim community raised concerns with chief censor David Shanks that the film could promote Islamophobia, citing intercommunal tensions relating to the film's release in India. Shanks stated that the film's R16 classification did not mean that the film was being banned.[51][52] In response to the film's R16 classification in New Zealand, former Deputy Prime Minister and New Zealand First party leader Winston Peters claimed that the film's age restricted classification amounted to censorship of terrorist actions during the 9/11 attacks and the Christchurch mosque shootings. He added that efforts towards combating Islamophobia should not be use to "shield the actions of terrorists in the name of Islam."[52][53] In addition, a petition was organized defending the film's authenticity and disputing claims of Islamophobia.[53] Several representatives of the Indian community rejected the depictions and called for the release of the film. In addition, former National Party Member of Parliament Kanwaljit Singh Bakshi and ACT party leader David Seymour also called for the film's release.[54]

On 26 March, the NZ Classification Office raised the film's rating to R18, with Chief Censor Shanks citing "the nature and intensity of the violence and cruelty depicted." Shanks stated that the age restriction was consistent with film ratings in Australia and India. However, he conceded that the film did not promote extremism or violence in a way that would be classified as "objectionable" in New Zealand.[55]

Government and ruling party support

The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has endorsed and promoted the film in explicit terms,[18][56][57][58] which has led to significant audience at theatres making it a runaway commercial success.[20] Union Minister Smriti Irani was one of the most vocal in promoting it.[18] Prime Minister Narendra Modi has attacked critics in response to negative reviews, claiming that there is a conspiracy to discredit the film, which according to him "reveals the truth"; he met with Agnihotri to congratulate him, as did Home Minister Amit Shah.[57][59] The BJP Information and Technology Cell, known for being the party's propaganda unit promoted the film with its head raising calls for people to watch it.[57] Pro-government media were also involved in its promotion; OpIndia — a pro-Hindutva news portal — published several articles raining praises on the film and questioning the motives of critics as well as opposition parties while television channels hosted multiple shows and debates to the same ends.[57] Following the release of the film, Agnihotri was provided with a Y-category security detail from the Central Reserve Police Force by the Ministry of Home Affairs, based on what an official described as inputs of perceived threat to the director's safety.[60]

The film was declared tax-free in multiple BJP governed states—Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Bihar and Himachal Pradesh—with calls by several chief ministers and Members of Parliament for "everyone to watch the movie".[56][61][62][63][64] Assam and Madhya Pradesh granted vacations to government employees and police personnel respectively, if they planned to watch the movie, and Assam, Karnataka and Tripura governments held special screenings of the film.[57] In addition, in the states of Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and West Bengal, which have opposition parties in power, BJP legislators have called for their respective state governments to make the film tax-free.[57] Across the country, BJP legislators have bought out screens for audiences to watch the movie for free.[57]

Critical reception

Kher's performance in The Kashmir Files was generally praised by the film critics.[22][23]

Stutee Ghosh, reviewing for The Quint, rated the film 3.5 out of 5 and found the film to have made a compelling case for Kashmiri pandits and their "hitherto unaddressed wounds" but wished for more nuance; the cinematography (especially the colour palette), Anupam Kher's acting, and realist depictions were praised in particular.[21] Likewise, Jagadish Angadi of Deccan Herald was effusive in his praise — Agnihotri's use of non-linear narratives and strong dialogues, enviable background research, and strong individual performances produced an "intense watch".[22] Avinash Lohana of Pinkvilla rated the film 3 out of 5 stars, praising the cast performances—particularly that of Kher's—and behind-the-scenes research, but criticised the lack of balance.[23] Rohit Bhatnagar of The Free Press Journal found the screenplay and the individual performances to be sloppy, thus failing to make any mark; however, he admired the effort that went behind the film and rated it 2.5 out of 5 stars.[65]

Shubhra Gupta reviewing for The Indian Express rated the film 1.5 out of 5 stars, criticising the film for being uninterested in nuance and describing the film as propaganda aligned with the ruling party, that aimed to stoke the "deep-seated anger" of Pandits.[26] However, she also stated that the film did tap "into the grief of the displaced Pandits," and commended Kher's performance.[26] Anuj Kumar reviewing for The Hindu described the film as being composed of "some facts, some half-truths, and plenty of distortions" with brutally intense visualisations and compelling performances, aimed at inciting hatred against Muslims.[10] Rahul Desai reviewing for Film Companion, called the work a "fantasy-revisionist" rant lacking in clarity, craft, and sense where every Muslim was a Nazi and every Hindu, a Jew; with an unconvincing screenplay and weak characters, it was propaganda that strove only to tune in with the Hindu nationalist mood of the nation rather than offer genuine empathy to the displaced victims.[66]

Tanul Thakur, reviewing for The Wire, was scathing: the film—"monotonous", "inert", and boasting of an "objectively poor screenplay"—was set up in an alternate reality and felt like iterations of collected Whatsapp screeds in service of a Hindu majoritarian state and especially Narendra Modi; Agnihotri lured the audience with facts only to distort and communalize them, and target those who are critical of the incumbent political regime in India.[67] Asim Ali, reviewing for Newslaundry, was also critical of the film, finding it to have exploited the sufferings of Kashmiri Pandits in peddling a Hindu Nationalist worldview where no Muslim in Kashmir had any aspiration except persecuting Hindus.[11][68] Shilajit Mitra of The New Indian Express panned the film with a rating of 1 out of 5 stars and castigated Agnihotri for exploiting the suffering of Kashmiri Pandits by doing away with all nuance in service of a "communal agenda".[9]

Debasish Roy Chowdhury, co-author of To Kill a Democracy: India's Passage to Despotism, found the film to be a prominent marker of India's "descent into darkness"; rather than offering genuine closure for the Pandits, Agnihotri inflamed hatred against Muslims, secular parties, and liberal media in pursuance of a Hindu Supremacist cause.[69] Nitasha Kaul, a Kashmiri Pandit academic, reviewing for The News Minute, held the work to be a communal and masculinist propaganda that collapsed the complex politics of Kashmir into a one-sided moral tale palatable to the current Hindutva dispensation in India; Agnihotri appropriated Pandit sufferings to portray all Kashmiri Muslims as barbarian invaders, undeserving of any solidarity.[70] Alpana Kishore, one of the few journalists who had covered Kashmir in the 1990s (as part of Newstrack), found the film to be a set of factual episodes but strung together in a contextless fashion; Agnihotri did not bother to even portray the other side of the divide, and was brazen in pushing a pro-right agenda.[71]

Political messaging and historical accuracy

The film's producer Vivek Agnihotri claims the film to be a depiction of the "truth of Kashmir".[72] Its key message is that what is known as the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits is actually a "genocide" — which it claims to have been kept out of history textbooks and mainstream discourse deliberately.[9][12]

The film's exclusive focus on violence of Muslims on Hindus—with limited attention given to the overall history of human rights abuses in the state[b]—and especially, the painting of all Muslims as active or passive participants in the exodus has been seen as promoting Islamophobia.[69][72][77] The film has also faced charges of historical revisionism and unnuanced storytelling.[18][69][78][82] Several critics have compared Agnihotri with Riefenstahl, a Nazi propagandist.[66][69][83]

The film is seen depicting the Jawaharlal Nehru University[a] as an unpatriotic institution sympathetic to terrorism.[72] Article 370 of the Constitution that granted nominally autonomous status to Jammu and Kashmir, is named as one of the reasons for the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits.[72] Blame is also attached to Farooq Abdullah, the chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir prior to the 1990 exodus; the former Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi; and Indian home minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, a person of Kashmiri heritage. The serving prime minister V. P. Singh (in 1990), and the Bharatiya Janata Party that supported his government, appear to be absolved of responsibility by the film.[72][11][69][84] The central character Krishna Pandit is shown as being provoked by terrorists to turn against the present-day prime minister Narendra Modi.[72] The former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee is also subtly derided for attempting to win the hearts of Kashmiris.[10]

A Kashmiri separatist militant named Farooq Malik Bitta is depicted in the movie, fashioned after Farooq Ahmed Dar ("Bitta Karate") and Yasin Malik rolled into one. But he is also shown as being involved in the 2003 Nadimarg massacre, which was of neither's doing. Sharda, fashioned after Mrs. Ganjoo, is shown to have been killed in this massacre, which was not the case in real life.[72][85] Further, local Muslims are portrayed as passive participants in the event and the local cleric even denounced Sharda, moments before she was sawed to death; in reality, the massacre transpired in the dead of the night with almost no witness and the sawing was extrapolated from a separate case involving one Girija Tickoo, some 13 years ago.[12] Neither are the facts of Bitta Karate's long years of incarceration despite a lack of conviction or Malik's eventual conversion to non-violent means of struggle mentioned.[10][86][12]

Hate speeches

At the theatres, Hindutva activists raised slogans advocating for violence against Kashmiri Muslims as well as Indian Muslims in general.[69] In one instance, calls were made to "[s]hoot the traitors to the nation" by members of the Hindu Jagran Manch, a member of the Sangh Parivar.[30][87] In Jammu, a Kashmiri Pandit activist and his family were heckled by a mob of activists allegedly belonging to the BJP, for he had labelled the film exploitative of the Pandit community.[88]

Box office

The Kashmir Files opened to box office with an earnings of 35.5 million (US$470,000), 85 million (US$1.1 million) and 151 million (US$2.0 million) in India respectively on its first three days, taking its opening weekend collection to 271.5 million (US$3.6 million) and an estimated 50 million (US$660,000) in India and overseas, respectively.[4][89] After the response from the first two days, the screens were increased to 2,000 on 13 March 2021.[90] With a collections growth of 323% on its first Monday compared to the release day, the film broke the record for the highest increase in collections for an Indian film on its first Monday.[91] At the end of the first week, the film earned 973 million (US$13 million) at the Indian box office.[4] After the response from the first week, the screens were increased to 4,000 on 18 March 2021.[50]

The film emerged as a box-office success within its first two days of release.[92][93] As of 7 April 2022, the film grossed 292.04 crore (US$38 million) in India and 42.25 crore (US$5.5 million) overseas, for a worldwide gross collection of 334.29 crore (US$44 million),[4] making it the highest grossing Hindi film of 2022.[94]

See also


  1. ^ a b In India, reference to JNU has been changed to ANU following the directions of Central Board of Film Certification.[32] In an interview with Lallantop on 16 March 2022, Vivek Agnihotri mentioned that the name of the university has been retained as JNU in the international print of the movie.[33]
  2. ^ Kashmiri Muslims were also killed during the insurgency,[72] and in greater numbers, often at the hands of Indian security apparatus.[12][73][74][75] According to the Indian Home Ministry's internal data, 1,583 Hindu civilians were killed in the conflict between 1988 and 2005, while the Muslim civilians killed in the same period numbered 12,245.[76]


  1. ^ a b Sebastian, Meryl (15 March 2022). "Kashmir Files Vivek Agnihotri's film exposes India's new fault lines". BBC News.
  2. ^ a b c "The Kashmir Files". British Board of Film Classification. 9 March 2022. Retrieved 9 March 2022.
  3. ^ "Why the Kashmir files is a blockbuster". India Today. Retrieved 15 March 2022.
  4. ^ a b c d "The Kashmir Files Box Office". Bollywood Hungama. Retrieved 9 April 2022.
  5. ^ "Vivek Agnihotri's The Kashmir Files to CLASH with Prabhas-starrer Radhe Shyam on March 11 : Bollywood News". Bollywood Hungama. 8 February 2022. Retrieved 11 March 2022.
  6. ^ a b c "Kashmir Files, hailed by Modi, triggers anti-Muslim hate speech". Al Jazeera. 17 March 2022. Retrieved 23 March 2022.
  7. ^ Akhtar, Rais; Kirk, William, Jammu and Kashmir, State, India, Encyclopaedia Britannica, retrieved 7 August 2019,  Jammu and Kashmir, state of India, located in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent in the vicinity of the Karakoram and westernmost Himalayan mountain ranges. The state is part of the larger region of Kashmir, which has been the subject of dispute between India, Pakistan, and China since the partition of the subcontinent in 1947.
  8. ^ Jan·Osmaczyk, Edmund; Osmańczyk, Edmund Jan (2003), Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements: G to M, Taylor & Francis, p. 1191, ISBN 978-0-415-93922-5,  Jammu and Kashmir: Territory in northwestern India, subject to a dispute between India and Pakistan. It has borders with Pakistan and China.
  9. ^ a b c d Mitra, Shilajit (12 March 2022). "Movie Review| Kashmir Files, A limp attempt at provocation". The New Indian Express. Retrieved 12 March 2022.
  10. ^ a b c d e f g Kumar, Anuj (14 March 2022), "'The Kashmir Files' movie review: A disturbing take which grips and gripes in turns", The Hindu
  11. ^ a b c Ali, Asim. "Don't trust Muslims, leftists or secularists: Why The Kashmir Files is no Schindler's List". Newslaundry. Retrieved 19 March 2022.
  12. ^ a b c d e Chakravarty, Ipsita. "Here are five things 'The Kashmir Files' gets wrong about Kashmir". Retrieved 19 March 2022.
  13. ^ Sherjeel Malik, The Kashmir Files: A One Sided Narrative That Spews Hatred And Misinformation, Kashmir Digits, 12 March 2022.
  14. ^ [9][10][11][12][13]
  15. ^
    • Evans, Alexander (1 March 2002). "A departure from history: Kashmiri Pandits, 1990-2001". Contemporary South Asia. 11 (1): 19–37. doi:10.1080/0958493022000000341. ISSN 0958-4935. My own interviews with a number of KPs in Jammu, many of whom hold Pakistan responsible, suggest suspicions of ethnic cleansing or even genocide are wide of the mark. The two conspiracy theories already described are not evidence based. As Sumantra Bose observes, those Rashtriya Swayam Sevak publications’ claims that large numbers of Hindu shrines were destroyed and Pandits murdered are largely false, to the extent that many of the shrines remain untouched and many of the casualties remain unsubstantiated.
    • Bose, Sumantra (2021), Kashmir at the Crossroads: Inside a 21st-century conflict, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, p. 122, ISBN 978-0-300-25687-1,  In 1991 the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the movement’s parent organisation, published a book titled Genocide of Hindus in Kashmir.<Footnote 38: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Genocide of Hindus in Kashmir (Delhi: Suruchi Prakashan, 1991).> It claimed among many other things that at least forty Hindu temples in the Kashmir Valley had been desecrated and destroyed by Muslim militants. In February 1993 journalists from India’s leading newsmagazine sallied forth from Delhi to the Valley, armed with a list of twenty-three demolished temples supplied by the national headquarters of the BJP, the movement’s political party. They found that twenty-one of the twenty-three temples were intact. They reported that ‘even in villages where only one or two Pandit families are left, the temples are safe . . . even in villages full of militants. The Pandit families have become custodians of the temples, encouraged by their Muslim neighbours to regularly offer prayers.’ Two temples had sustained minor damage during unrest after a huge, organised Hindu nationalist mob razed a sixteenth-century mosque in the north Indian town of Ayodhya on 6 December 1992.<Footnote 39: India Today, 28 February 1993, pp.22–25>
    • Bhatia, Mohita (2020), Rethinking Conflict at the Margins: Dalits and Borderland Hindus in Jammu and Kashmir, Cambridge, UK and New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 123–124, ISBN 978-1-108-83602-9,  The dominant politics of Jammu representing 'Hindus' as a homogeneous block includes Pandits in the wider 'Hindu' category. It often uses extremely aggressive terms such as 'genocide' or 'ethnic cleansing' to explain their migration and places them in opposition to Kashmiri Muslims. The BJP has appropriated the miseries of Pandits to expand their 'Hindu' constituency and projects them as victims who have been driven out from their homeland by militants and Kashmiri Muslims.
    • Rai, Mridu (2021), "Narratives from exile: Kashmiri Pandits and their construction of the past", in Bose, Sugata; Jalal, Ayesha (eds.), Kashmir and the Future of South Asia, Routledge Contemporary South Asia Series, Routledge, pp. 91–115, 106, ISBN 9781000318845, Among those who stayed on is Sanjay Tickoo who heads the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (Committee for the Kashmiri Pandits’ Struggle). He had experienced the same threats as the Pandits who left. Yet, though admitting ‘intimidation and violence’ directed at Pandits and four massacres since 1990, he rejects as ‘propaganda’ stories of genocide or mass murder that Pandit organizations outside the Valley have circulated.
  16. ^ Negi, Shrishti (9 March 2022). "The Kashmir Files Producer Pallavi Joshi: Am I Making the Film for Hindu Rashtra? I'm Just Telling a Story". News18. Retrieved 11 March 2022.
  17. ^ "Vivek Agnihotri's The Kashmir Files to CLASH with Prabhas-starrer Radhe Shyam on March 11". Bollywood Hungama. 8 February 2022. Retrieved 8 February 2022.
  18. ^ a b c d e f g Sebastian, Meryl (15 March 2022). "Kashmir Files: Vivek Agnihotri's film exposes India's new fault lines". BBC News. Retrieved 15 March 2022.
  19. ^ Poddar, Umang (17 March 2022). "How the BJP is promoting 'The Kashmir Files': Modi's endorsement, tax breaks, leave from work". Retrieved 18 March 2022.
  20. ^ a b Akhil, Kumar (18 March 2022). "How 'The Kashmir Files', Praised By PM Modi, Became A Runaway Success". NDTV. Retrieved 20 March 2022.
  21. ^ a b "Review: 'The Kashmir Files' Makes a Compelling Case For Kashmiri Pandits". The Quint. 10 March 2022. Retrieved 11 March 2022.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  22. ^ a b c "'The Kashmir Files' movie review: Anupam Kher is brilliant in this heart-wrenching story". Deccan Herald. 12 March 2022. Retrieved 12 March 2022.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  23. ^ a b c "The Kashmir Files Review: Anupam Kher shines in the film that creates an impact but lacks balance". Pinkvilla. 11 March 2022. Retrieved 12 March 2022.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  24. ^ [21][22][23]
  25. ^ [18][10][9]
  26. ^ a b c d e Gupta, Shubhra (12 March 2022). "The Kashmir Files movie review: Anupam Kher is the emotional core of this overwrought film". The Indian Express. Retrieved 12 March 2022.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  27. ^ a b "'The Kashmir Files' is Hindutva's latest anti-Muslim weapon". The Siasat Daily. 14 March 2022. Retrieved 16 March 2022.
  28. ^ [26][10][27]
  29. ^ [6][18][10][26][27]
  30. ^ a b Jafri, Alishan; Raj, Kaushik (22 March 2022), "We ID'd Anti-Muslim Sloganeers at 'The Kashmir Files' Screenings. What We Found Won't Surprise You", The Wire
  31. ^ "The Kashmir Files: Videos of Anti-Muslim Hate, Slogans in Theatres Go Viral". TheQuint. 17 March 2022. Retrieved 24 March 2022.
  32. ^ "BREAKING: Vivek Agnihotri's The Kashmir Files passed with an 'A' certificate and 7 minor cuts by CBFC; name of the university changed from JNU to ANU". Bollywood Hungama. Retrieved 8 March 2022.
  33. ^
  34. ^ "Vivek Agnihotri's The Kashmir Files to go on floors next month". Cinema Express. 1 January 2020. Retrieved 31 December 2020.
  35. ^ "The Kashmir Files: Vivek Agnihotri announces new film through poster, announces its release on 15 August, 2020". Firstpost. 14 August 2019. Retrieved 18 March 2022.
  36. ^ "Vivek Agnihotri to complete trilogy, announces The Delhi Files". Cinema Express. 13 September 2021. Retrieved 19 March 2022.
  37. ^ "Vivek Agnihotri on The Kashmir Files: 'I wanted to make a film about people who did not pick up guns'-Entertainment News , Firstpost". Firstpost. 7 March 2022. Retrieved 11 March 2022.
  38. ^ "Anupam Kher joins Vivek Agnihotri's next, The Kashmir Files". Bollywood Hungama. 5 December 2019.
  39. ^ "COVID 19 effect: Shooting of 'The Kashmir Files' called off". The Times of India. 17 March 2020. Retrieved 31 December 2020.
  40. ^ a b "Yograj Singh out of Vivek Ranjan Agnihotri's The Kashmir Files". The Tribune (Chandigarh). 12 December 2020. Retrieved 20 March 2022.
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