|Turnout||70.05% (first round) 11.7%|
74.57% (second round) 5.5%
All 130 seats in the Congress of Peru
66 seats needed for a majority
This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below.
General elections were held in Peru on 11 April 2021. The presidential election will determine the President and the Vice Presidents, depending on the results of a run-off between the two top finishers on 6 June 2021. The congressional elections determined the composition of the Congress of Peru. All 130 seats of the unicameral Congress were contested.
Eighteen candidates participated in the presidential election, the highest number of candidates since the 2006 Peruvian general election. Pedro Castillo, a member of the left-wing Free Peru party, received the most votes in the first round. He faced Keiko Fujimori, the leader of the right-wing Popular Force who had previously narrowly lost the run-offs of the 2011 and the 2016 elections. The official count of the second round indicated that Castillo won 50.12% of valid votes, a lead of 44,058 over Fujimori, but an official outcome is yet to be declared by the National Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE).
The President is elected using the two-round system. The first round voting was held on April 11 and allows eligible voters to vote for any viable presidential candidate. The top two candidates who receive a plurality of the vote proceed to the run-off election, which took place on 6 June. The winner of the run-off election and the presidential election is the candidate who receives a plurality of the popular vote. However, if in the first round the candidate who is in the first place already gets more than 50% of the popular vote, that candidate will automatically win the election and a run-off election will no longer be needed.
The 130 members of Congress are elected in 27 multi-member constituencies using open list proportional representation. To enter Congress, parties must either cross the 5% electoral threshold at the national level, or win at least seven seats in one constituency. Seats are allocated using the D'Hondt method.
President Martín Vizcarra initially presented legislation that would set the conditions for a snap election in 2020. If successful, Vizcarra would not be eligible for re-election. The 2020 proposed Peruvian general election would be held on 11 April 2020, to elect a new President of the Republic of Peru, along with 130 congressmen of the Congress of Peru. It was eventually decided to be held on 26 January 2020. Opposition lawmakers condemned Vizcarra's proposal, defending the practice of five year terms. This constitutional reform was rejected.
The 2021 Peruvian general election were held on 11 April 2021, to elect the president of the Republic of Peru, two vice presidents of the same party, 130 congressmen of the Congress of Peru and 5 Andean parliamentarians for a five-year term from 2021 to 2026.
On April 11, 130 congressmen were elected in 27 electoral districts, corresponding to the 24 departments, the Province of Lima, the Constitutional Province of Callao and residents living abroad.
The elected congressmen will be sworn in and assume office no later than 27 July 2021; the constitutional president of the Republic and his elected vice presidents will do so on 28 July 2021.
|Go on Country – Social Integration Party||National Victory||Popular Force||Popular Action||Together for Peru||Podemos Perú|
|Hernando de Soto||George Forsyth||Keiko Fujimori||Yonhy Lescano||Verónika Mendoza||Daniel Urresti|
|President of the Institute Liberty and Democracy
|Mayor of La Victoria
|Member of Congress
|Member of Congress
From Puno / Lima
|Member of Congress
|Member of Congress|
|1st: Corinne Flores
2nd: Jaime Salomón
|1st: Patricia Arévalo
2nd: Jorge Chávez Álvarez
|1st: Luis Galarreta
2nd: Patricia Juárez
|1st: Gisela Tipe
2nd: Luis Alberto Velarde
|1st: José Antonio de Echave
2nd: Luzmila Ayay
|1st: María Teresa Cabrera|
2nd: Wilbert Portugal
|Alliance for Progress||Free Peru||Purple Party||Peruvian Nationalist Party||Popular Renewal||We Are Peru|
|César Acuña||Pedro Castillo||Julio Guzmán||Ollanta Humala||Rafael López Aliaga||Daniel Salaverry|
|Governor of La Libertad
|Secretary General of the Office of the Prime Minister
|President of Peru
|Lima City Councilman
|Member of Congress|
From La Libertad
|1st: Carmen Omonte
2nd: Luis Iberico
|1st: Dina Boluarte
2nd: Vladimir Cerrón
|1st: Flor Pablo
2nd: Francisco Sagasti
|1st: Ana María Salinas
2nd: Alberto Otárola
|1st: Neldy Mendoza
2nd: Jorge Montoya
|1st: Matilde Fernández|
2nd: Jorge Pérez Flores
|Name||for President||for First Vice President||for Second Vice President||Date||Motive|
|Peruvian Aprista Party
Partido Aprista Peruano
|Nidia Vílchez Yucra||Iván Hidalgo Romero||Olga Cribilleros Shigihara||16 January 2021||Prompted upon the National Jury of Elections' rejection of inscription of parliamentary lists past the deadline.|
|Name||for President||for First Vice President||for Second Vice President||Date||Motive|
|Contigo Political Party
Partido Político Contigo
|Pedro Angulo Arana||Casimira Mujica||Alexander von Ehren||22 December 2020||Did not meet the deadline to register for the election on time.|
|Francisco Diez Canseco||Nancy Cáceres||Manuel Salazar||22 December 2020||Did not meet the deadline to register for the election on time.|
|Front of Hope 2021
Frente de la Esperanza 2021
|Fernando Olivera||Elizabeth León||Carlos Cuaresma||24 December 2020||Party did not fulfill requirements for registration in order to participate.|
|All for Peru
Todos por el Perú
|Fernando Cillóniz||Blanca Wong||Jaime Freundt||26 December 2020||Party lacked the legitimacy to participate in the election due to unsolved internal legal disputes.|
|Name||for President||for First Vice President||for Second Vice President||Date||Motive|
|Union for Peru
Unión por el Perú
|José Vega||Haydee Andrade||Daniel Barragán||29 December 2020||Incomplete information regarding income on the nominees registration form. The decision was ultimately revoked by the National Jury of Elections, thus admitting and registering the ticket on 6 February 2021.|
|Alliance for Progress
Alianza para el Progreso
|César Acuña||Carmen Omonte||Luis Iberico Núñez||8 January 2021||Incomplete information regarding the presidential nominee's income in registration form. Disqualification revoked by the National Jury of Elections on 22 January 2021, following an appeal.|
|We Can Peru
|Daniel Urresti||Maria Teresa Cabrera||Wilbert Portugal||4 February 2021||Unanswered questions about the internal democracy of the party. Disqualifiation revoked by the National Jury of Elections on 18 February 2021, following an appeal.|
|George Forsyth||Patricia Arévalo||Jorge Chávez Álvarez||10 February 2021||Incomplete information regarding income on the nominees registration form. Disqualification revoked by the National Jury of Elections on 5 March 2021, following an appeal.|
|Rafael López Aliaga||Neldy Mendoza||Jorge Montoya||25 February 2021||Nominee's public statement on donating his salary to charity if elected president is presumed as alleged vote buying. Disqualification revoked by the National Jury of Elections on 5 March 2021, following an appeal.|
|National United Renaissance
Renacimiento Unido Nacional
|Ciro Gálvez||Sonia García||Claudio Zolla||25 February 2021||Incomplete information regarding the presidential nominee's income in registration form. Disqualification revoked by the National Jury of Elections on 5 March 2021, following an appeal.|
Multiple candidates called for constitutional reform or an entirely new constitution in order to reduce corruption and to bring more prosperity to Peru. Constitutional changes in Peru are overseen by the Congress of Peru. In order to hold a constitutional referendum, a majority vote from congress is required to approve the election. All proposed constitutional reforms would also have to be approved by congress. Following the first round elections and the divided legislators from numerous different parties voted into congress, chances of candidates changing the constitution were limited.
Corruption in Peru has been pervasive and was recently brought to attention during the Odebrecht scandal, which involved Odebrecht paying politicians to receive contracts for public works projects. BBC News wrote in 2019 that "Peru is perhaps where [Odebrecht] has caused the most severe crisis" and that "[t]he scandal has discredited virtually the entire political elite of the country, as all major parties and players have been implicated." The Odebrecht scandal led to several incidents in Peruvian politics; the suicide of former president Alan García, the order for the arrest of former president Alejandro Toledo as well as the first impeachment process against Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and later his resignation from the presidency. Two candidates in the 2021 elections, Keiko Fujimori and Julio Guzmán, were also under investigation regarding alleged bribes from Odebrecht during their earlier electoral campaigns. Kuczynski's successor Martín Vizcarra reacted to the Odebrecht scandal with multiple anti-corruption initiatives, although Vizcarra was controversially removed from office for his own alleged involvement in corruption and was replaced with President of Congress Manuel Merino. Vizcarra's removal was very unfavorable with Peruvians and resulted with the 2020 Peruvian protests. Merino would be president for only five days and would later be replaced by Francisco Sagasti following a vote from congress.
Pedro Castillo proposed to elect a constituent assembly to replace the constitution inherited from Alberto Fujimori's regime, with Castillo saying "it serves to defend corruption at macro scale" and that he would respect the rule of law by calling for a constitutional referendum to determine whether a constituent assembly should be formed or not. Veronika Mendoza also embraced calls for a new constitution instead of amendments, stating "Our current national institutional framework, enshrined in the Constitution, establishes that education, health care, and housing are for-profit enterprises, and that life itself is a commodity to be bought and sold. What this means is that political power is concentrated in the hands of those with money, and not with the Peruvian people."
George Forsyth, the initial frontrunner in the campaign, benefitted from his celebrity fame and not being involved with the traditional political parties being investigated for corruption. Forsyth called for constitutional amendments instead of a new constitution, supporting an amendment that would declare corruption a crime against humanity.
One of the few candidates to support the existing constitution was Keiko Fujimori. Fujimori has stated that she would keep the 1993 constitution of her father Alberto Fujimori in place, instead advocating for the use of a "heavy hand" if elected president, stating: "Democracy cannot be weak. It must be supported by a solid principle of authority."
Peru is one of the worst-affected nations in the world from the COVID-19 pandemic, with at least 0.5% of the population dying during the pandemic. The crisis became so intense by January 2021 due to a second wave of infections that ICU bed occupancy in Peru rose to 90%, with medical workers beginning to participate in strikes due to their harsh work conditions.
Forsyth criticized the COVID-19 lockdowns of the Peruvian government, saying that they caused economic distress and that the National Emergency Operations Center (COEN) should be activated for a civil-military partnership to combat further infection. Mendoza was also critical of how lockdowns were initiated, saying that the government should provide support for families affected by lockdowns, promoted a partnership with Argentina to acquire the Oxford–AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine and denounced the potential commercialization of the COVID-19 vaccine in Peru.
On 24 February 2021, following an approach to advise Francisco Sagasti on the COVID-19 pandemic management in Peru, Hernando de Soto announced the first shadow cabinet in Peruvian history. Mainly composed of his campaign technical team, the main purpose of the opposition cabinet is to offer an alternative in order for the government to concur and apply De Soto's proposals during the crisis.
As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, Peru's gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020, the largest decline of all major economies, with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Peru's economy going bankrupt during the crisis. Medical experts commented that the severity of the COVID-19 outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances; nearly one-third of Peruvians lived in overcrowded homes, 72% had informal jobs requiring daily work and many needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers; even in urban areas it is only 61%.
Political scientist Paula Muñoz of the Universidad del Pacífico described Forsyth as "a pro-business guy", while Americas Quarterly wrote "his views on big economic issues are less clear." Forsyth and Fujimori both shared his support for the privatization of public utilities and the deregulation of the economy, with the two saying that government intervention hinders growth. Fujimori also stated that she wanted to make "the State the main partner of entrepreneurs." In contrast, Mendoza criticized the neoliberal policies instituted in Peru since the 1990s, demanded "the decommodification of goods like health, education, and housing", and promoted the government funding of sustainable agricultural and energy projects, all while protecting the environment.
As a result of the Venezuelan refugee crisis, Peru was home to over one million Venezuelans in February 2021. At that time, the Peruvian Armed Forces were deployed in a joint operation with Ecuadorian counterparts to the Ecuador-Peru border to prevent the entry of illegal migrants, with the armed forces stating that it was to prevent further introduction of COVID-19 in Peru. Human rights organizations criticized the militarization of the border, saying that they are not properly trained for border enforcement and that it violates the human rights of migrants. Xenophobia towards Venezuelans in Peru has also increased, as some politicians have blamed increased crime on the migrants, although the Brookings Institution and Migration Policy Institute found that Venezuelan participate in less crime in Peru than native Peruvians.
On the immigration topic, Forsyth's responses varied; he stated that "Peru is a generous country that opens its doors to foreigners" while he also supported deploying more authorities to control the border, stating that migrants "have humiliated our National Police" and "We need the principle of authority in the country. [...] We need an empowered police to defend all of us Peruvians." Regarding her position on immigration, Mendoza stated: "Migration must be considered on humanitarian criteria. Peruvians have also migrated." Although some controls should be instituted to prevent criminals from entering, she promoted migrants as "people who can contribute to the country." Fujimori supported increased border security, promoting the utilization of police and the Peruvian Armed Forces for guarding the border.
Political parties in Peru have been controlled by individuals seeking their own benefits, usually financial compensation. According to The Economist, political graft was the largest challenge facing Peru instead of the ideological battles in the press. Due to the large divisions of parties in congress, with over eleven parties elected into the Congress of Peru, whoever was elected into the presidency was expected to be weak due to the fractured congress. Political analyst Giovanna Peñaflor agreed with the theory of a weak presidency, saying that the fragmented congress would leave the executive vulnerable to legislators.
When discussing the state of party politics during the election, especially among congress, political scientist Adriana Urrutia said: "Political parties are no longer a vehicle for representation of the citizenry." Urrutia explained that traditional parties are known among Peruvians to represent groups related to corruption in the country, including lucrative private universities, illegal logging and mining, among others.
Regarding the first round of presidential elections, Javier Puente, assistant professor of Latin American Studies at Smith College in the North American Congress on Latin America wrote: "With a baffling number of candidates – 18 in total – the 2021 presidential ballot included convicted felons, presumed money launderers, xenophobes, a fascist billionaire, an overrated and outdated economist, a retired mediocre footballer, a person accused of murdering a journalist, and other colorful figures. The vast majority of candidates represented the continuation of the neoliberal economic model that has been responsible for decades of meager financial performance and unequal growth." Puente stated that only three leftist candidates proposed alternatives to the neoliberal politicians; Veronika Mendoza, Marco Arana and Pedro Castillo, describing Castillo as "far from being a 'comrade' who will champion leftist demands, Castillo is the new face of an anti-system impulse. [...] Only in a neoliberal system that outcasts any form of market dissent as radical would a figure like Castillo acquire a role as a leftist."
Due to the internal conflict in Peru involving far-left guerrilla groups attacking Peru's institutions which mainly occurred in the 1980s and 1990s, sentiments towards left-wing political parties have a negative stigma skewed against them. While campaigning occurred during the elections, right-wing politicians would often baselessly characterize left-wing politicians as terrorists, or terrucos in Peruvian Spanish, with the attacks being so common that they were given the term terruqueo. The Americas Quarterly argues that such behavior may result in less support for the leftist candidate Verónika Mendoza and promote political polarization within Peru. With the ongoing political crisis that saw in the span of two years the dissolution of the Congress of Peru and the removal of three presidents (Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, Martín Vizcarra, and Manuel Merino), concerns were raised among analysts about the increased political polarization's relationship with Peru's democratic stability. Lead researcher of pollster Institute of Peruvian Studies, Patricia Zárate, stated: "I think the scenario that's coming is really frightening."
Some scholars have recognized the similarities of Fujimori and Castillo; both are cultural conservatives opposing same-sex marriage and abortion, as campaigning for the second round of elections began. Olga González, associate dean of the Kofi Annan Institute for Global Citizenship at Macalester College, stated that the situation is more complex than "binaries" between social classes, although she acknowledged that such dichotomies "speak to how polarized the country is."
Regarding the second round of presidential elections, Peruvian Nobel Prize laureate and writer Mario Vargas Llosa said that the candidate Castillo would undermine democracy, ruin Peru’s economy and leave the country "with all the characteristics of a communist society" and that "Peruvians should vote for Keiko Fujimori because she represents the lesser of two evils and, if she's in power, there are more possibilities of saving our democracy." Vargas Llosa urged Fujimori to respect freedom of expression, presidential term limits, and rule out a pardon for Vladimiro Montesinos, who served as Alberto Fujimori's head of intelligence service.
Political scientist professor Farid Kahhat of the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru stated that "Vargas Llosa has a habit of issuing categorical judgments that later make him look ridiculous. ... Frankly, any Peruvian who has followed Vargas Llosa’s career realizes that he is not worth taking seriously." Vargas Llosa ran and lost against Alberto Fujimori in Peru's 1990 elections, and had previously criticized Fujimori, making statements such as "the worst option is that of Keiko Fujimori because it means the legitimation of one of the worst dictatorships that Peru has had in its history" and that "Keiko is the daughter of a murderer and a thief who is imprisoned, tried by civil courts with international observers, sentenced to 25 years in prison for murder and theft. I do not want her to win the elections." Argentine newspaper Página/12 criticized Vargas Llosa, noting his reversal on previous statements, stating that "the neoliberal right is allied with authoritarian Fujimori", and arguing that Vargas Llosa was "betting on fear and resuscitating an anti-communist coalition."
In democratic elections since 1919, eleven of eighteen presidents of Peru were from Lima, even as many Peruvians in rural areas were not able to vote until 1979 when the constitution allowed illiterate individuals to vote. Alhough economic statistics show improved economic data in Peru in recent decades, the wealth earned between 1990 and 2020 was not distributed throughout the country; living standards showed disparities between the more-developed capital city of Lima and similar coastal regions while rural provinces remained impoverished. The COVID-19 pandemic exasperated these disparities even further. Kahhat stated that "market reforms in Peru have yielded positive results in terms of reducing poverty ... But what the pandemic has laid bare, particularly in Peru, is that poverty was reduced while leaving the miserable state of public services unaltered – most clearly in the case of health services."
Leading to the election, opinion polls showed wealthy Peruvians favored Keiko while the poor supported Castillo, with the latter demographic representing a larger portion of voters. Castillo's candidacy brought attention to this divide with much of his support being earned in the exterior portions of the country. In May 2021, Americas Quarterly wrote: "Life expectancy in Huancavelica, for example, the region where Castillo received his highest share of the vote in the first round, is seven years shorter than in Lima. In Puno, where Castillo received over 47% of the vote, the infant mortality rate is almost three times that of Lima's."
According to historian José Ragas of the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, although Castillo was accused of being linked to communist terrorism, "in places where terrorism caused the most bloodshed, Castillo won by a lot." The separation of Lima and rural Peru also led to the underestimation of Castillo's performance in first-round elections. Castillo received a majority vote in all but one of Peru's mining provinces, with researcher Hugo Ñopo of the Lima-based GRADE stating: "The regions that provide those minerals that make Peru rich do not improve the living standards of the local communities, ... Many people perceive that the winners of these three decades are not them, but are the people in Lima and the big cities." Sociologist Maritza Paredes of the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru shared similar thoughts, saying: "People see that all the natural resources are in the countryside but all the benefits are concentrated in Lima." In contrast, Fujimori received support from Lima's elite according to Kahhat. Kahhat said that evangelical Christians, businesses, media organizations, and the armed forces supported Fujimori, with the nation's largest media organization El Comercio group openly advocating for her election.
During the intense periods of internal conflict in Peru in the 1980s and 1990s, the government, military, and media in Peru described any individual who was left on the political spectrum as being a threat to the nation, with many students, professors, union members, and peasants being jailed or killed for their political beliefs. Such sentiments continued for decades into the election, with Peru's right-wing elite and media organizations collaborating with Fujimori's campaign by appealing to fear when discussing political opponents. In the second round of elections, Peru's major media networks aligned with Fujimori to discredit Castillo. While news organizations polished Fujimori's image and praised her, they assisted her media campaign tactic which included attacks accusing Castillo of being linked to armed communist groups. She described Castillo as a "car bomb" destined to "explode the last 30 years of development." Billboards were posted in Lima to call on Peruvians "to vote against communism." The Guardian described accusations linking Castillo to Shining Path as "incorrect", while the Associated Press said that allegations by Peruvian media of links to Shining Path were "unsupported."
Colombian journalist Clara Elvira Ospina of Grupo who was the journalistic director of La República's América Televisión and El Comercio's Canal N was removed from her position on 24 April 2021 after having served in the position for a total of nine years. Grupo La República shareholder Gustavo Mohme Seminario said that the firing occurred shortly after Ospina had a conversation with Keiko Fujimori and other news editors. One anonymous individual said that Ospina allegedly told Fujimori that the journalistic direction of the media organizations would not favor her or Castillo, instead using impartiality during their coverage.
Mohme criticized the dismissal of Ospina, saying: "I do not want to be a silent troupe of these legal shenanigans that seeks to arbitrarily impose who will assume the reins of the main television channel in the country." Mohme resigned from the editorial council. The Knight Center for Specialized Journalism wrote that Mohme described the incident as self-censorship. Diego Salazar, former editor of Peru21, said that the dismissal was "an obvious sign that you are seeking to intervene in the electoral campaign in a way that is not journalistic." Members of Cuarto Poder, an investigative journalism program on América TV, had their letter to the board of directors leaked in May 2021 where they said that Ospina's dismissal "represented serious damage to the work we do and to the image of the program", and accused her replacement, Gilberto Hume, of having an agenda against Castillo and in favor of Fujimori, writing "Within that conversation it was implicit that (Hume) asked us to support the candidate of Fuerza Popular to the detriment of the candidate of Free Peru." Luis Galarreta, Fujimori's pick for first vice president, said that the meeting with Ospina was discussing debates and "nothing more", adding that "nobody thinks of influencing a medium."
Shortly after polls closed on 6 June, the journalists of Cuarto Poder who sent a letter criticizing alleged censorship were fired by La República's América Televisión and El Comercio's Canal N.
Comrade Vilma, with close ties to Comrade José, head of the Militarized Communist Party of Peru (MPCP), a communist organization that split from Shining Path at least ten years before the San Miguel del Ene attack, called for a boycott of elections on 14 May. During the second round of elections, Vilma called on voters not to vote for Fujimori, stating that anyone who voted for her would be the "accomplice of genociders and the corrupt."
On 23 May, a mass killing of eighteen people occurred in San Miguel del Ene, a rural area in the Vizcatán del Ene District of Satipo Province. Along with the corpses, some of which were burned, leaflets signed by the MPCP were found, featuring the hammer and sickle and defining the attack as a social cleansing operation. The leaflets also called for a boycott of the 6 June elections and accused those who voted for Keiko Fujimori and her Popular Force party of treason. The military quickly accused Shining Path of the attack, although they were allegedly referring to the MCPC. However, no formal investigation had been performed before the links to Shining Path were claimed. OjoPúblico described the media release by the military as "an inaccurate reference to the Shining Path."
The attack and subsequent media coverage would provide increased support for Fujimori, whose rhetoric aligned Castillo with armed communists. The Fujimori campaign used the attack as a springboard for support, pointing to alleged ties between MOVADEF, a Shining Path political group, and Castillo, attempting to align him to the attack. Fujimori expressed condemnation against the attack during a press conference in Tarapoto as well as regret that "bloody acts" still happened in the country and her condolences to the relatives of the victims. Pedro Castillo also condemned the killings during a rally in Huánuco, expressing solidarity towards the relatives of the victims and also urging the National Police to investigate the attack to clarify the events. Vladimir Cerrón, Secretary General of Free Peru, stated that "the right-wing needed [Shining] Path to win"; Cerrón deleted the tweet moments later while condemning any act of terrorism. Prime Minister Nuria Esparch, who held the position of the Ministry of Defense, condemned the attack and guaranteed that the electoral process would take place normally.
In order to avoid the questions of election legitimacy, election authorities in Peru approved the use of election monitoring. In total, one hundred and fifty observers (ninety-nine in Peru and fifty-one abroad) were approved to observe elections throughout Peru. The origin of the observers were from twenty-two different countries, with thirty-five observers from the Organization of American States, while others were from Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Spain, Switzerland, the United States, and Uruguay. Observer approval required providing election authorities observation plans; these plans included protocols to inform authorities of crimes, violations of electoral law or any complaints they collected. Observers were then responsible with providing an official, final report to authorities. According to OjoPúblico, "the observers carry out the review of the activities of election day, ranging from the installation of the voting tables, the conditioning of the secret chambers, the conformity of the ballots, the minutes, the amphorae and any other electoral material, to the counting, the counting of the vote and the transfer of the electoral records at the end of the day."
After Castillo took the lead during the ballot-counting process, Fujimori disseminated claims of electoral fraud. In a media event following election day, Fujimori alleged that a "series of irregularities which worry us", while presenting photographs and videos in support of her allegations, accusing Free Peru of attempting to "distort and delay" the election process. According to The Guardian, various international observers countered Fujimori's claims, stating that the election process was conducted in accordance with international standards. Observers from the Inter-American Union of Electoral Organizations, the Organization of American States, and the Progressive International denied any instances of widespread fraud and praised the accuracy of the elections. The Guardian also reported that analysts and political observers criticized Fujimori's remarks, noting that it made her appear desperate after losing her third presidential run in a ten year period. Fernando Tuesta, political scientist from the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru, stated, "It's extremely regrettable that when the result is not favourable, that the candidate talks about fraud. It's terrible, ... They have been talking about fraud because they don’t want to respect the result." On 9 June, Fujimori sought to have around 200,000 votes annulled and for 300,000 votes to be reviewed.
The first round was held on 11 April. The first exit polls published indicated that underdog nominee Pedro Castillo of Free Peru had placed first in the first round of voting with approximately 16.1% of the vote, with Hernando de Soto and Keiko Fujimori tying with 11.9% each. Yonhy Lescano, Rafael López Aliaga, Verónika Mendoza, George Forsyth followed, with each receiving 11.0%, 10.5%, 8.8%, and 6.4%, respectively. César Acuña and Daniel Urresti received 5.8% and 5.0%, respectively, while the rest of the nominees attained less than 3% of the popular vote.
|Candidate||Party||First round||Second round|
|Pedro Castillo||Free Peru||2,724,752||18.92||8,835,579||50.12|
|Keiko Fujimori||Popular Force||1,930,762||13.41||8,791,521||49.88|
|Rafael López Aliaga||Popular Renewal||1,692,279||11.75|
|Hernando de Soto||Go on Country – Social Integration Party||1,674,201||11.63|
|Yonhy Lescano||Popular Action||1,306,288||9.07|
|Verónika Mendoza||Together for Peru||1,132,577||7.86|
|César Acuña||Alliance for Progress||867,025||6.02|
|George Forsyth||National Victory||814,516||5.66|
|Daniel Urresti||Podemos Perú||812,721||5.64|
|Julio Guzmán||Purple Party||325,608||2.26|
|Alberto Beingolea||Christian People's Party||286,447||1.99|
|Daniel Salaverry||We Are Peru||240,234||1.67|
|Ollanta Humala||Peruvian Nationalist Party||230,831||1.60|
|José Vega||Union for Peru||101,267||0.70|
|Ciro Gálvez||National United Renaissance||89,376||0.62|
|Marco Arana||Broad Front||65,300||0.45|
|Rafael Santos||Peru Secure Homeland||55,644||0.39|
|Andrés Alcántara||Direct Democracy||50,802||0.35|
|Source: ONPE, ONPE|
Go on Country
Together for Peru
|Madre de Dios||23,945||37.1%||7,278||11.3%||4,041||6.3%||3,996||6.2%||6,601||10.2%||4,372||6.8%||14,341||22.2%||64,574||71.1%|
|Source: ONPE (100% counted)|
The Popular Action, the largest party in the previous legislature, lost some of its seats, and previous parliamentary parties like Union for Peru (UPP) and the Broad Front (FA) had their worst results ever while attaining no representation. The Peruvian Nationalist Party of former President Ollanta Humala and National Victory of George Forsyth (who led polling for the presidential election earlier in the year) failed to win seats as well. New or previously minor parties such as Free Peru, Go on Country and Together for Peru and Popular Renewal, the successor of National Solidarity, had good results, with Free Peru becoming the largest party in Congress. Contigo, the successor to former president Pedro Pablo Kuczynski's Peruvians for Change party, failed to win a seat once again and received less than 1% of the vote.
|Alliance for Progress||969,726||7.54||15||−7|
|Go on Country – Social Integration Party||969,092||7.54||7||+7|
|Together for Peru||847,596||6.59||5||+5|
|We Are Peru||788,522||6.13||5||−6|
|Agricultural People's Front of Peru||589,018||4.58||0||−15|
|Union for Peru||266,349||2.07||0||−13|
|Christian People's Party||212,820||1.65||0||0|
|Peruvian Nationalist Party||195,538||1.52||0||New|
|National United Renaissance||97,540||0.76||0||0|
|Peru Secure Homeland||54,859||0.43||0||0|
|Source: ONPE, Ojo Público|
|Go on Country – Social Integration Party||919,212||8.71||1||+1|
|Together for Peru||736,001||6.97||0||0|
|Alliance for Progress||713,542||6.76||0||0|
|Agricultural People's Front of Peru||670,393||6.35||0||0|
|We Are Peru||447,437||4.24||0||0|
|Christian People's Party||209,697||1.99||0||0|
|Peruvian Nationalist Party||177,984||1.69||0||0|
|National United Renaissance||101,822||0.96||0||0|
The Fujimori campaign seized upon the Vizcatán massacre to reiterate the “Castillo-as-extremist” narrative, pointing to alleged ties between Castillo and a Shining Path front group, MOVADEF, to suggest that Castillo bore some responsibility for the gruesome killings.
Presented content of the Wikipedia article was extracted in 2021-06-16 based on https://en.wikipedia.org/?curid=61388970